In exploring this issue, I do not mean to excuse shameful behavior Jews--or any other people--have engaged in, both in the past and in the present. I am often the first to speak out when I hear xenophobic rhetoric coming from the Jewish Right, but at the same time I am also deeply troubled when my more liberal friends flat-out dismiss Israel's right to exist without any understanding of the emotional context that makes the country such a beautiful, maddening mess of contradictions. I am often reminded of President Obama's "A More Perfect Union"speech from 2008, when he responds to criticisms of the incendiary views expressed by his former pastor, Rev. Jeremiah Wright: "That anger is not always productive; indeed, all too often it distracts attention from solving real problems...But the anger is real; it is powerful; and to simply wish it away, to condemn it without understanding its roots, only serves to widen the chasm of misunderstanding that exists between the races."
That is what I hoped to explore in this essay. I hope you enjoy it.
To be clear, none of this information goes to excuse any Jews who participated in the vile institution of American slavery. But it is also true that throughout history survival has made strange bedfellows, and the biggest mistake Lopez makes in The Whipping Man is that questions of ethics and faith vs. survival are in any way new issues for the Jewish community. Just as contemporary liberal Jewish audiences may be puzzled by the idea of Jews as slave holders, many others found equally confounding that fear for Israel’s security led many Jewish voters to support conservative Christian candidates George W. Bush and Mike Huckabee in recent elections. Within Israel, many have criticized those who reference the Holocaust to justify hard treatment of Palestinians. Lopez has stated that it was important for him to not portray his slaveholding character as a stock villain: “‘I hope that Caleb will be seen as being as much a victim of slavery as these other characters are’” (Kragan). But by taking such great lengths to make Caleb sympathetic, Lopez has also robbed the character and the play of any amount of context or complexity. By failing to provide any kind of explanation for his characters’ contradictions, The Whipping Man misses an opportunity to truly challenge his audience, obscuring this painful chapter in history far more than illuminating it.
“‘The Jews, as a class violating
every regulation of trade established by the Treasury Department and also
departmental orders, are hereby expelled by the [military] department within
twenty-four hours from the receipt of this order’” (from The Jewish Confederates by Robert N. Rosen, p. 63).
The above quote is not an excerpt from a Nazi
command, but in fact was issued by Union general Ulysses S. Grant in 1862, in
the middle of the American Civil War.
Though the order was quickly rescinded amid public outcry, the incident
serves as a commentary on the tense relationship between Jews and the Union at
the time of the conflict, commentary that is sorely absent from Matthew Lopez’s
Civil-war drama, The Whipping Man. The play tells the story of Caleb
DeLeon, a Jewish Confederate deserter who arrives wounded to his Richmond home
in the last days of the war in April 1865, only to find his parents gone and
the house occupied by Simon and John, his former slaves. An impromptu Passover seder serves as a
vehicle for Simon and John--who were raised in the Jewish faith--to note the
parallels between the Israelite slaves in the Exodus story and the Emancipation
of African-American slaves in the present, while causing the three men to
explore their faith and expose painful secrets while asking the question: how could Jews, a formerly enslaved
people themselves, own slaves and fight for the Confederacy?
In
attempting to answering this question, Lopez’s characters draw blanks: “I can’t
square anything I don’t understand,” Simon admits. “That’s why we always
asking...That’s what a Jew is” (Lopez 42). In an interview Lopez states he wrote the play to show the
pervasiveness of American slavery:
“‘It seemed to me the most regrettable of hypocrisies and one that might
resonate with a modern audience, both Jewish and non-Jewish. We are all
the result of the mistakes and the hypocrisies of our American forebears’”
(Murray). But deeper
examination into American Jewish history leading up to that time period reveals
a more surprising story: for many Southern Jews this history of persecution in
fact intensified their devotion to their adopted Confederate home.
Though
The Whipping Man discusses at length
oppression of the Israelites in Biblical Egypt, for contemporary Jews in the
19th century systematic persecution was anything but ancient history. The Jews who immigrated to America
beginning in the 17th century from places like Poland, France, Bavaria,
Portugal and Prussia did so to escape intense persecution from societies and
regimes who blamed them for the death of Christ (Norman H. Finkelstein, American Jewish History 47). Jonathan D. Sarna writes, “Nearly all
of them sought, in addition, a measure of anonymity, an avoidance of public
notice, for without exception they came from lands which still imposed
disabilities on Jews and still enforced anti-Jewish laws of a medieval
character” (The American Jewish
Experience 7). The DeLeons of
Lopez’s story would probably have been descended from Sephardic Jews from
Spain, and it is indeed no secret that in 1492 Columbus sailed to America in
the same year Kind Ferdinand and Queen Isabella expelled all of the Jews from
Spain. Arriving in America
found unprecedented freedom for these immigrants. Soon Jews began founding synagogues, establishing themselves
as merchants and shop owners, and participating the the electoral process and
even fighting in the revolutionary war. Indeed, “The Jew of the European
village who could only dream of a great future had the chance here to prove his
mettle. He could be venturesome,
daring, and enterprising” (Sarna
15). For many who had long been plagued by the “wandering Jew” stereotype, this
was a chance to put down roots.
And
though Jews felt a warm welcome throughout America, this was especially true in
the South. While a rise in
Puritanism in New England led to anti-Semitism, the ruling elites in the South
were from more tolerant Protestant denominations, intellectual cosmopolitans
far more tolerant of religion than of social class. The fact that Jews were white didn’t hurt their cause either
(Rosen 32). Jews of the South were
able to assimilate much quicker than in the North. According to Rabbi David Korn: “‘Nowhere in America--certainly not the antebellum
North--had Jews been accorded such an opportunity to be complete equals as in
the old South.”” (Rosen 54). According to Jewish Confederate army volunteer
Isaac Hermann described the South as “‘the land of Canaan where milk and honey
flowed’” (Rosen 52). This indicated a strong emotional bond many felt to their
adopted region.
This
level of acceptance in the South influenced Jewish attitudes about slavery and
secession. One main reason many Jews volunteered for the Southern army was to
counter negative stereotypes: “It was a cardinal belief of anti-Semites and
others that ‘the Wandering Jew’ was a citizen of no country, that they were
cowards and were disloyal” (Rosen
xiii). Rosen goes onto compare the
situation of “Jewish Johnny Rebs” to that of African Americans who fought for
the Union Army to prove their worth as equals (Rosen xiii). As for the slavery issue, the attitude
among Jews was complex.
Though
Ernestine Rose and Rabbi David Einhorn were prominent critics of slavery in the
North, (Finkelstein 73), some Southern Jews used the Bible as a defense of the
practice. The Talmud taught that the “‘the law of the land was the law’” and
slavery was the law of the land.
Many pro-slavery rabbis noted that the biblical fathers were slave
holders. (Rosen 38). Rabbi Morris
Raphall of New York, the first Jewish Clergyman to address congress in 1860
delivered a sermon entitled “A Biblical View of Slavery” that stated “‘slave
holding is no sin...slave property is expressly placed under the protection of
the Ten Commandments....”
(Finkelstein 76). In
Lopez’s play though, Caleb seems unable to to come up with any of these points
when John begins quoting the Bible at him.
But
even Southern Jews who had reservations about slavery fought for the
Confederate cause. Jake Weil was
an immigrant from the Alsace-Lorraine who freed most of his own slaves, but
believed that property rights were a strong that ‘“In truth one man never has right another man to
own,’” but wrote that “‘one man has no right to sell property to another and
after he has invested the proceeds claim that the buyer is evil and should
divest himself of his property’” (Rosen 42-43). Jewish Abolitionist Rabbi
Bernhard Felsenthal, while baffled by Southern Jewish support for secession,
acknowledged this support of slavery may have had something to do with the
conditions of Jewish life in Germany, where many immigrants had faced intense
isolation and persecution. And because
Germans as a whole were supportive of abolition, many Jews were against it
(Rosen 37). While property rights
may have been often used as a cop-out for Southerners wanting to minimize the
role of slavery in the Civil War, for Jews the issue was personal.
In
addition to territorial issues, Jews in the South had other reasons to be
suspicious of the anti-slavery movement among New Englanders. In The Whipping Man Caleb refers to
propaganda found in “the northern papers, the abolitionist pamphlets” (Lopez
40. More accurately he should have
referred to “those abolitionist christian pamphlets,” for the Christian church
was on the front lines of the abolition movement. While many Christian
abolitionists preached equal rights for blacks, they expressed deeply
anti-semitic views, believing that Jews as “lecherous” who ‘did sometimes kill
a Christian baby at the Passover’” and “the enemy of Christ and liberty...a
descendant of the monsters who nailed Jesus to the cross.”’ (Rosen 38). Such observations could have made for
interesting commentary in the various theological debates in The Whipping Man.
Jews also experienced different
different treatment within the Union and Confederate armies. Rosen writes: “It will surprise many to
know that, although there was anti-semitism in the South, there was little
anti-semitism in the Armies of Robert E. Lee and Joseph E. Johnston, or in
Jefferson Davis’s executive offices--while Ulysses S. Grant and William
Tecumseh Sherman issued blatantly anti-Jewish orders and Proclamations.” (Rosen xii). In addition to Order No. 11, Col. John V. Dubois issued
Order No. 2, which ordered the removal of all “all cotton speculators, Jews,
and other vagrants” (Sarna 63). In
1861 Jewish theology student Michael Allen was dismissed from the Union army
for ministering as a chaplain to men of all fathers. After much petitioning from Jewish communities in the North,
in July 1862 that law was amended (Rosen 276).
Matters
were different in the South, where there were several Jewish chaplains as well
as Jews serving in the Confederate Congress. There was, in fact, a Jewish family with the name of DeLeon
who lived in South Carolina. Maj.
David Camden DeLeon, like Robert E. Lee, was a hero of the Mexican American War
who became the first acting surgeon general of the the Confederacy. He was deeply conflicted about
secession, noting that ‘“Treason and Revolution are next-door knockers’.” (Rosen 42). Judah Benjamin,
attorney General of the Confederate States of America. Despite admiration from Jefferson
Davis, Benjamin faced much criticism in the North. Henry Wilson, senator from Massachusetts claimed that he was
part of a plot to overthrow the government of his adopted country that gave
equal rights “even to that race that stoned prophets and crucified the redeemer
of the world’” (Rosen 74). Still, even with the approval of high ranking
members of the Confederate government, there were many Southerners troubled by
the Jewish presence in both congress and the cabinet. Anti-Semitic Confederate Congressman Henry S. Foote claimed
“Jews had flooded the Confederacy and controlled nine-tenths of the business
‘by official permission’”(Rosen 270-271). Articles in Richmond newspapers
considered it “blasphemous for Benjamin to serve as Secretary of State” “mocked
Jews and foreigners, calling merchants ‘Jew and Yankee extortioners.’”(Rosen
271). Despite Benjamin’s position as the “brains of the confederacy,” by the
end of the war he recommended emancipation for black troops who fought in the
confederate army, a proposal that was supported by Davis but rejected by the
Confederate Congress (Rosen 84).
Like
the rest of their fellow countrymen, Jews fighting for the Confederacy were in
despair at the end of the war. For
people who had been fighting to protect what had become their new adopted homeland, Jewish confederates saw in the Union
occupation during Reconstruction as a modern-day version of the Babylonian
captivity (Rosen 333). And while
in The Whipping Man Caleb is
reluctant to go to a federal hospital because he was a deserter, in many cases
Jewish soldiers received harsher treatment by both the Union army and the Union
press. (275). An Associated press reporter from the north noted that “‘The Jews
in New Orleans and all the South ought to be exterminated...They run the
blockade, and are always to be found at the bottom of every new villainy’”
(Rosen 275). Once again, Jews were
being disproportionally scapegoated for their role in larger events.
To be clear, none of this information goes to excuse any Jews who participated in the vile institution of American slavery. But it is also true that throughout history survival has made strange bedfellows, and the biggest mistake Lopez makes in The Whipping Man is that questions of ethics and faith vs. survival are in any way new issues for the Jewish community. Just as contemporary liberal Jewish audiences may be puzzled by the idea of Jews as slave holders, many others found equally confounding that fear for Israel’s security led many Jewish voters to support conservative Christian candidates George W. Bush and Mike Huckabee in recent elections. Within Israel, many have criticized those who reference the Holocaust to justify hard treatment of Palestinians. Lopez has stated that it was important for him to not portray his slaveholding character as a stock villain: “‘I hope that Caleb will be seen as being as much a victim of slavery as these other characters are’” (Kragan). But by taking such great lengths to make Caleb sympathetic, Lopez has also robbed the character and the play of any amount of context or complexity. By failing to provide any kind of explanation for his characters’ contradictions, The Whipping Man misses an opportunity to truly challenge his audience, obscuring this painful chapter in history far more than illuminating it.
Works Cited
Finkelstein, Norman. American
Jewish History. Philadelphia: The Jewish Publication Society,2007.
Kragan, Pam. “'Whipping Man' playwright examines
little-known facet of slave history.”
North County Times. 5 May
2010.
Lopez, Matthew. The Whipping Man. New York: Samuel
French, 2009, 2010.
Murray, Larry. “Interview: Matthew Lopez Explains His New Play, ‘The Whipping Man.’”
Berkshire on Stage. 11 May 2010.
Rosen, Robert D. The
Jewish Confederates. University
of South Carolina Press, 2000
Sarna, Jonathan D. The
American Jewish Experience. New York: Holmes
and Meier Publishers, Inc. 1986.
I just wanted to thank you for such an interesting article. I found your blog yesterday and am thoroughly enjoying it!
ReplyDeleteI'm glad you enjoyed it. Thanks for the kind words!
ReplyDelete